Pre-War Findings and Planning Off-KilterSomervell County Salon-Glen Rose, Rainbow, Nemo, Glass....Texas


Pre-War Findings and Planning Off-Kilter

21 May 2005 at 12:00:10 AM

First, National Security Council believed that the NSC case was weak, even while Bush and his advisors were trumpeting the case to invade Iraq. Between the Downing Street Memo, which shows that Bush was planning to shape inteligence to create justification for war, the false uranium "yellow-cake" claims that were promoted by Bolton, the questionable intelligence from Curveball, Bush continued to promote as fact issues that were still under argument by intelligence specialists.Read this important article for all the facts that Bush ignored, which was every major justification that was pushed over reality.

By late January 2003, the number of U.S. troops in the Persian Gulf area was approaching 150,000, and the invasion of Iraq was all but guaranteed. Neither Bush nor Powell reflected in their speeches the many doubts that had surfaced at that time about Iraq's weapons programs.

Instead, Bush said, "With nuclear arms or a full arsenal of chemical and biological weapons, Saddam Hussein could resume his ambitions of conquest in the Middle East and create deadly havoc in that region." He added: "Secretly, and without fingerprints, he could provide one of his hidden weapons to terrorists, or help them develop their own."

And an intelligence analyst at US military's Central Command wrote about problems with war planning that were tensions between Rumsfeld and military planners.

Hooker adds some new details.

For example, he says some officers at Florida-based CENTCOM were so stunned by leaks of the classified war plans to the news media that they assumed they must have been part of a U.S. propaganda campaign to unsettle Saddam.

"To some planners, this theory seemed the only logical way to explain the seemingly outrageous and reckless revelations of classified material by senior officials," he wrote.

In fact, the leaks were apparently part of a battle among top policymakers in Washington over whether to invade Iraq with a relatively small force and lightening-quick maneuvers, as many Pentagon civilians favored, or the larger, more traditional force that senior generals preferred.

Hooker also critiques the planning for postwar Iraq, which he says got little attention in planning sessions and war games.

Postwar planning was fractured among civilian agencies and, unlike combat operations, lacked an overall commander or explicit plan, Hooker wrote. "This turmoil was evident to CENTCOM planners," he adds

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